After Pahalgam, Modi has a chance to win over Kashmiris. Will he use it?

The horrific Pahalgam attack last week, which claimed 28 lives, mostly tourists, has left Kashmir reeling. Yet, amid the grief and anger lies an unexpected opportunity for the Modi government to address the deepening alienation of Kashmiris from India. Since 2015, New Delhi’s policies—particularly the 2019 revocation of Jammu and Kashmir’s limited autonomy under Article 370—have exacerbated distrust. Within Kashmir itself, people have expressed a strong condemnation of terrorism and residents have extended themselves in assisting victims. For Modi, this moment demands a strategic pivot away from Hindutva-driven security crackdowns, excessive militarisation and the control of Kashmiri land, towards genuine reconciliation and collaboration. Such a move could redefine New Delhi’s Kashmir policy and lay the groundwork for a more constructive relationship between Kashmir and the rest of India.

Kashmiris’ alienation from India, which has intensified since 2015, has been driven by three key factors. The first is the sense of political disempowerment in the region. The Peoples Democratic Party and Bharatiya Janata Party coalition government of 2015, in the erstwhile Jammu and Kashmir state, marked the beginning of centralised control, culminating in the revocation of Article 370. This move stripped the region of statehood, dissolved its legislature, and imposed direct rule from New Delhi. Kashmiris consider this as an assault on their identity, exacerbating fears of demographic change through land-ownership laws favoring non-residents.

The second factor is a security-centric governance model, where vast powers are vested with handpicked bureaucrats and police officers. Post-2019, Kashmir endured prolonged internet shutdowns, mass detentions under anti-terror laws, and an even heavier military presence than before. These measures, framed as “temporary,” have become permanent fixtures, stifling dissent and economic activity. Even today, law and order continues to remain under the unelected lieutenant governor and is directly controlled by Amit Shah’s home ministry in Delhi.

Hindutva rhetoric from the ruling establishment, amplified by big media, films and web-series, is the third factor fanning disenchantment in Kashmir. Modi’s integrationist agenda, rooted in the Hindutva ideology of oppression of religious minorities, clashes with Kashmir’s Muslim-majority identity. The main mosque in Srinagar has not been allowed to be open on any major religious occasion and the mirwaiz has often been illegally detained in his house so that he cannot deliver Friday sermons. Bulldozing the homes of suspected militants and arresting a large number of people under draconian laws and sending them to far-off prisons have understandably made locals angry and wary of the Indian state’s policies.